SVYATOPOLK VLADIMIROVICH THE DAMNED (b. 980 - d. 1019) Grand Duke (1015, 1017–1019). Eldest son of Grand Duke Vladimir Svyatoslavich. Vladimir adopted Svyatopolk, but did not love him, as if foreseeing his future villainy. He married the daughter of the Polish king Boleslav. Svyatopolk

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Internecine war in Russia (1015-1019), internecine war of the sons of St. Vladimir, the second civil strife in Russia - the struggle for power after the death of St. Vladimir between Svyatopolk Vladimirovich (or Yaropolchich) and Yaroslav Vladimirovich, which ended in favor of the latter.

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An excerpt characterizing the Internecine War in Russia (1015-1019)

Staraya Ladoga has existed since 753, where in 862, according to the chronicle, the legendary Varangian Rurik came at the invitation of the Slavic and Finnish tribes. He moved his residence to Novgorod (first mentioned in chronicles in 859). Rurik died in 879. After him, Oleg ruled (879-912), who in 882 made Kiev the capital of Ancient Russia and in 907 concluded the first treaty with Byzantium.

After Oleg, Rurik's son Igor (912-945) ruled, who concluded two treaties with Byzantium (941.944). Igor was replaced by his wife Olga (945-969). She ruled instead of Svyatoslav, who at first was small and then fought almost continuously (945-972). During the struggle for power between the three sons of Svyatoslav (972-980), Vladimir I (980-1015), who baptized Russia (988), won.

Next to the struggle between the sons of Vladimir I the Holy (1015-1019), Yaroslav the Wise (1019-1054) ruled. His sole rule became after the death of his brother Mstislav in 1036. Yaroslav the Wise in 1036 defeated the Pechenegs on the Alta River, approved the Russian Truth, built St. Sophia Cathedral in Kiev, installed his own metropolitan (1051). Sophia cathedrals were also erected in Novgorod and Polotsk.

After the struggle within the House of Rurikovich in 1097, at a congress in Lyubech, the princes agreed that each would own the land inherited from his father. The beginning of feudal fragmentation was temporarily overcome by Vladimir II Monomakh (1113-1125) and his son Mstislav (1125-1132). Yuri Dolgoruky (1125-1157), Andrei Bogolyubsky (1157-1174) and Vsevolod III the Big Nest (1176-1212) tried to control most of the Russian lands, but there was no real unity. Andrei Bogolyubsky was killed as a result of a conspiracy. The campaign of Prince Igor in 1185 against the Polovtsy ended in complete defeat. In 1187, The Tale of Igor's Campaign was born.

Rurikovich underestimated the danger from the east. Russian troops in 1223 were defeated by advanced Mongol-Tatar detachments on the Kalka River, and in 1237/38 and 1240/42 the Mongol-Tatars ravaged most of the Russian lands, subjugated and included in the Golden Horde (1243). The Mongols defeated the Russian troops on the Sit River (1238). Salvation for Russia was the victory of Alexander Yaroslavich (Nevsky) over the Swedish (1240) and German (1242) crusaders.

Biographical code of Ancient Russia

“And the Greeks put up a hundred thousand against Svyatoslav, and did not give tribute. And Svyatoslav went to the Greeks, and they came out against the Russians. When the Russians saw them, they were very frightened of such a great multitude of soldiers, but Svyatoslav said: “We have nowhere to go, whether we want to or not, we must fight. So let us not disgrace the Russian land, but let us lay our bones here, for the dead know no shame. If we run, we will be shamed. So we won’t run, but we’ll stand strong, and I will go ahead of you: if my head lies down, then take care of your own.” And the soldiers answered: "Where your head lies, there we will lay down our heads." And the Russians were executed, and there was a cruel slaughter, and Svyatoslav overcame, and the Greeks fled ”(from The Tale of Bygone Years).

Prince Svyatopolk happened to be born in an era of cardinal changes in Kievan Rus, when the country was first plunged into princely civil strife. In that fierce struggle for primacy, Prince Vladimir Svyatoslavich won.

Svyatopolk's grandfather, the Grand Duke of Kiev Svyatoslav Igorevich, hatched the idea of ​​creating a powerful Russian state centered on the Danube. In the plans of this brilliant commander, Russia was assigned the role of the eastern outskirts of the new state. In 971, Svyatoslav divided the Fatherland into three destinies between his sons Yaropolk, Oleg and Vladimir, thereby violating the already established state structure of Kievan Rus. None of the new rulers of the Russian land had supremacy over others, which gave rise to a bloody struggle of the heirs of Svyatoslav for possession of the throne in Kiev - "the mother of Russian cities."

Svyatopolk was the only son of Prince Yaropolk, the handsome, educated and mild-mannered ruler of Kiev, but by the will of fate he turned out to be the stepson of the cruel and power-hungry Vladimir Svyatoslavich, who did not stop at nothing in his struggle for dominance in Russia. Raised by a Christian mother, Svyatopolk gravitated towards Orthodoxy, but already at a young age he witnessed the establishment by Prince Vladimir of a pagan pantheon, designed to unite the beliefs of people in equal parts of the Russian land. When an attempt to turn paganism into a state religion failed, Vladimir carried out a new religious reform, as a result of which Kievan Rus adopted Christianity along the Byzantine model.

The marriage of Svyatopolk to the daughter of the Polish prince Boleslav from the Piast dynasty led him to take an active part in the international politics of the countries of Western Europe. Svyatopolk began to take an interest in the Roman Church, thinking to withdraw his specific Turov land from the Kiev state and establish his own state. However, he failed to become an independent ruler. After the death of Prince Vladimir, Svyatopolk tried to seize power in Kiev, for which he committed numerous atrocities. Defeated by his half-brother Yaroslav, he died ingloriously.

CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS

  1015-1019 The internecine struggle of the sons of Vladimir Svyatoslavich for the Kiev table.

  1015-1016, 1018-1019 Reigning in Kiev Svyatopolk (Cursed).

  July 24, 1015 The murder on the Alta River by the henchmen of Svyatopolk, Prince of Rostov Boris Vladimirovich.

  September 5, 1015 Murder near Smolensk on the orders of Svyatopolk, Prince Gleb Vladimirovich of Murom.

  1015 autumn The murder in the Carpathian Mountains by mercenaries of Svyatopolk, Prince of the Drevlyane land Svyatoslav Vladimirovich.

  1016 The campaign of the Novgorod prince Yaroslav against Svyatopolk. Yaroslav's victory near the city of Lyubech. Flight of Prince Svyatopolk to Poland. Acceptance by Yaroslav Vladimirovich of the great reign in Russia.

  1018 The campaign of Svyatopolk and the Polish prince Boleslav the Brave against the Grand Duke of Kiev Yaroslav. The defeat of the troops of the Grand Duke of Kiev Yaroslav on the Western Bug River. Flight of Grand Duke Yaroslav to Novgorod.

  1018 August 14 The capture of Kiev by the united army of Svyatopolk and Boleslav the Brave. Boleslav's capture of the grand ducal treasury and the capture of his mother, sisters and wife of Yaroslav.

  1019 Battle on the Alta River between the troops of Yaroslav and Svyatopolk. Defeat of Svyatopolk. His flight and death in the Bohemian mountains.

ADDITIONALLY

It so happened that the period from the mid-90s of the 10th century until almost the middle of the second decade of the 11th century. It is rather weakly reflected on the pages of ancient Russian chronicles. In fact, the first thirteen years of the 11th century were ignored by the chroniclers, since only the mentions of the Tale of Bygone Years about the death of certain representatives of the princely dynasty of that time, which were taken by later editors, are relevant to this time. Only since 1014 did the annals contain reports of events in Russia. Since then, according to The Tale of Bygone Years, a conflict has begun between Prince Vladimir of Kiev and his son Prince Yaroslav of Novgorod, who refused to obey his father's will. In preparation for the campaign against the rebel, Vladimir fell ill, and on July 15 he died. The Saxon chronicle of Titmar of Merseburg and the Scandinavian "Eymund's saga" tells about further events connected with the struggle for the Kievan throne of the heirs of Vladimir Svyatoslavich, in addition to the ancient Russian chronicles. It should be noted that the sources mentioned do not give the sequence of events in the same way. So, according to the chronicles, after the death of Vladimir, Svyatopolk becomes the supreme prince of Russia, who, in the struggle for the throne, kills his brothers - Boris, Gleb and Svyatoslav. Internecine strife is often explained and justified by the right and advantage of inheritance. Based on the data of all sources, conflicting information was obtained, both about the number of wives of Prince Vladimir (from four to eight, and most sources do not know their names, but call them Czech, Bulgarian, Greek), and about the number of sons (from three to fourteen) .

Having come to power, Vladimir faced decentralization tendencies in Russia. From the annals it follows that the first years of his reign he literally rushes around the country: in 981 he conquered the Cherven lands from Poland and conquered the Vyatichi in the same year, but the next year they rebelled again. In 983, he captured Berestye and subjugated the Yotvingians, in 984 - the Radimichi and clashed with the Bulgarians. At the same time, before these events, he conquered the Polotsk, Smolensk lands and Kiev itself. However, there were not enough forces to hold the falling lands, the unity of Russia could only be preserved by deep and serious transformations. From the innovations of Vladimir, we first highlight two brilliant ideas of the reformer:

an attempt to carry out the first religious reform, during which Vladimir creates a single priestly apparatus with centralized control, brings tribal gods to Kiev and installs them on a hill near his palace;

administrative reform. He will liquidate most of the principalities, and first of all those where decentralization tendencies are strong. Moreover, the eldest sons were sent to the most significant lands.

All chronicles almost unanimously report: Vysheslav sent to Novgorod, Izyaslav to Polotsk, Svyatopolk to Turov (Pinsk is indicated in others), Yaroslav to Rostov. At the same time, the chronicles contain information about two distributions of land: first between the eldest sons, and after the death of Vysheslav, around 1010, and between the rest. During the second distribution, Yaroslav was sent to Novgorod from Rostov, allegedly Boris from Murom to Rostov, and in his place Gleb, Svyatoslav to the Drevlyans, Vsevolod to Vladimir-Volynsky, Mstislav to Tmutarakan.

It is likely that by 1014 Yaroslav had been reigning in Novgorod for several years. This was a sufficient period for rapprochement with the local nobility, especially since the Novgorod nobility always remained close to the Kiev princely house. There is no doubt that Yaroslav the Wise, even before his arrival in Novgorod, knew his cousin Kosnyatin Dobrynich, one of the most influential boyars in Novgorod, well. It would seem that such close ties guaranteed the princes protection from any separatism. Indeed, after all, the Rurikovichs were not strangers to Novgorod - as they were strangers to many other ancient Slavic principalities. Novgorod was considered the birthplace of the ruling dynasty. All the ancestors of Yaroslav came to Kiev from these places. Novgorod, the most important link of trade routes, a transit point for mercenary military forces, was considered the capital of the Old Russian state in the west. That is why the princes of Kiev had to beware of the Novgorodians. Novgorod could be called the capital, albeit the second after Kiev. Novgorod was the place where the dynasty came from, where some of its rulers came from - but Kiev was the place where these rulers eventually "sat". A significant part of the income of the Novgorodians went to Kiev as a tribute, and Varangian mercenaries also went to Kiev with the applicants who hired them. And Vladimir also began to entice local residents to settle and protect the troubled Pecheneg border. The cities that stood on the way "from the Varangians to the Greeks", and above all Kiev and Novgorod, absorbed, sometimes quite harshly, the resources of the rest of Russia on both sides of the main river arteries. The nobility from the tribal capital cities treated the Rurik family and their capitals with all sorts of hostility to suppressed independence.

Vladimir's reforms ensured the dynastic and legal unity of the country. The baptism of cities was the first step towards religious unity. However, young princes, and even more so their heirs, who were already growing up in new places, had to replenish their squad at the expense of local boyar families and listen to their advice.

It is not surprising that the last years of Vladimir's life turned out to be restless. The chronicle in their description is more than brief - but the reason for this is not the desire to hide anything, but the lack of a permanent chronicle at that time. Turov turned out to be a very serious problem for Vladimir. In the capital of the Dregovichi, the Grand Duke planted Svyatopolk. The son of “two fathers” had no less reason not to love Vladimir than he did. In order to control Svyatopolk, Vladimir founded the city in Volhynia, to which he gave his name. Svyatopolk planned to eliminate his opponent, and worried Vladimir, having learned about this, recalled Boris. The sons of Princess Anna sat in remote destinies and were not considered as contenders for the throne, and only Yaroslav remained alive from the sons of Rogneda. A major miscalculation of Vladimir was the marriage of Svyatopolk to the daughter of the Polish prince Boleslav. Where and how Svyatopolk grew up is unknown, however, there is no data on the maturation of Vladimir's other sons. Only fragmentary information from foreign sources helps to restore some moments of the life of the young prince. A number of researchers associate his name with the German bishop Bruno, whom Vladimir helped to start missionary work among the Pechenegs. Bruno spent five months with the Pechenegs, baptized 30 people and persuaded the Pecheneg elders to make peace with Russia. The foremen demanded that one of Vladimir's sons be held hostage for the duration of the contract. It has been suggested that Svyatopolk, whom Vladimir did not like and wanted to get rid of, was sent as a hostage to the Pechenegs. This hypothesis is indirectly confirmed in the further development of events in which Svyatopolk participated.

In the battle with Yaroslav on Alta, Svyatopolk fought at the head of the Pecheneg hordes; the chronicle, in addition, knows that in the battle on the Dnieper near Lyubech, the Pechenegs formed the reserve of Svyatopolk. In this case, the beginning of Svyatopolk's rapprochement, on the one hand, with the Pechenegs, and on the other hand, with Boleslav, could have been laid back in 1008 by Bruno, gradually drawing the eldest of Vladimir's living sons into the orbit of Boleslav's policy.

An enterprising diplomat in a cassock was destined to soon lay down his head in the country of the Prussians, but the connection formed by his efforts between Svyatopolk and Boleslav was then consolidated by family ties. The marriage between Svyatopolk and the daughter of Boleslav is mentioned several times by Titmar of Merseburg.

He casually informs about the marriage of some son of Vladimir with the daughter of Boleslav I the Brave, a Polish prince. The marriage of Svyatopolk was concluded no later than 1012, since in the next 1013 Boleslav was already at war with Russia. It seems that the marriage was also concluded shortly before 1013, since the youngest daughter of Boleslav from the third marriage had barely reached marriageable age then. Svyatopolk was then about 30 years old. Returning, one must think, by that time from the Pechenegs, he was sitting on the reign in Pinsk. The dynastic marriage union did not contribute to a lasting peace between Poland and Kiev. By passing off his daughter as Svyatopolk, Boleslav pursued other political goals. Relations with Poland from the beginning of the reign of Vladimir remained uneven, and wars broke out more than once. During the first of them, Vladimir conquered a vast territory to the west of the Western Bug, which from that time became a bone of contention for a long time. Both rulers pursued the goal of achieving hegemony in the Slavic world and establishing themselves in the international arena - whether by diplomatic or military means. Poland adopted Christianity (from papal Rome) 17 years before the "baptism of Russia", under Prince Mieszko, Boleslav's father. However, Russia was more extensive and richer, and besides, it was now in a strong alliance with the Eastern Empire.

On the other hand, the ruling houses of Scandinavia were also closely connected with Russia. Boleslav, for all his dynastic marriages, could not boast of reliable allies - especially since he expelled his first two wives, a German and a Hungarian, and the third, Emnilda, was the daughter of a petty Slavic prince in the Polish-German borderlands. The Western, Holy Roman, Empire was more often an enemy for Boleslav, and he was either forced to restrain the German onslaught, or he himself went on the offensive. Therefore, Boleslav's goal was to get an agent of influence in the heart of Russia and its ruling house. The fact that Svyatopolk, through the intrigues of agent Boleslav, was preparing for an uprising against Vladimir, is not known either by the chronicle or by any other source, except for Titmar. By origin, apparently a German, Reinburn arrived in Russia already in the rank of bishop. The hatred of Svyatopolk and, obviously, of his Turov entourage towards Vladimir converged with the instigations of the Polish prince. At the beginning of 1013, a rebellion against Kiev was almost prepared, but Vladimir learned about the conspiracy in time. Svyatopolk and Boleslavna were captured and imprisoned separately. The confessor of the Polish princess, the German Bishop Reinburn, whom Vladimir suspected of conspiracy, also ended up in a separate prison - presumably, not without reason. Soon the bishop died under unclear circumstances, without confession and communion. In May 1013, Boleslav concluded a peace and alliance treaty with the German Emperor Henry II, and then, in the summer, attacked Russia. The German nobility also marched in the army of Boleslav, not only under the terms of the contract, but also in the hope of their own gain. In addition, Vladimir's old enemies, the Pechenegs, made an alliance with the Polish prince. The war was not going too well for Russia, Boleslav ruined many Russian lands. But he did not achieve the main goal - the release of his daughter and son-in-law, just as he did not win back the "Cherven cities". In the army of the Polish prince, discord broke out between the Poles and the Pechenegs, he ordered to kill the violent "allies" and left Russia.

In connection with the conspiracy of Svyatopolk, Boleslav’s campaign in the Russian regions is usually put, about which Titmar, immediately after the story of the conclusion of peace in the spring of 1013 in Merseburg, reports the following brief data: “Then, with our support in that, he rushed to Russia and devastated a significant part

this country; when there was a clash with the allies in his camp -

Pechenegs, he ordered all of them, not excluding those devoted to him, to be killed.

It was clear that the war on the western and southern borders was not over. Vladimir needed forces and means. Perhaps this was the last impetus for the fall of Novgorod. They certainly understood that in wartime conditions the demands of the troops were not far off, and possibly additional requisitions from the richest land. Therefore, Yaroslav and his associates themselves went into conflict with Kiev. Every year, 3,000 hryvnias of tribute were collected from the Novgorod land. Of these, 2,000 hryvnias went to Kiev, and 1,000 hryvnias were spent by the Novgorod princes on their own needs, first of all, they were distributed to grids - that is, bodyguards who, unlike older "husbands", did not have their own household and lived under the prince in a "gridnitsa". Yaroslav in 1014 refused to send a tax to Kiev, which angered his father and undoubtedly hastened his death. Vladimir, angry, ordered: "Prepare the way and bridge the bridges." Such a step meant the separation of Novgorod, and this, in turn, marked the collapse of all Vladimir's activities to centralize Russia. There was a lull on the Polish border after Bolesław's retreat, and Vladimir was ready to go north to punish his unfaithful son. He gathers squads of sons still faithful to him, but death interrupted the preparations. Yaroslav, in turn, used the funds received to send envoys to Scandinavia, for the Norman mercenaries. Yaroslav's close contacts with the Varangian "overseas" played a significant role both in his politics and later in his personal life. And a special place in the Norman affairs of Yaroslav was occupied by the figure of Olav Haraldson, the offspring of the Norwegian Yngling dynasty. In his youth he visited Novgorod. In 1014 Olaf, after long wanderings in the northern seas, went to Norway to fight for the throne.

It should be noted that this campaign coincided with the sending of Yaroslav's ambassadors to Scandinavia, and later many mercenaries from Norway arrived to Yaroslav. In fact, everything was ready for a direct collision. "But God did not give the devil joy," the chronicle says. Vladimir suddenly fell seriously ill, and in the spring or early summer of 1015, the Pechenegs invaded the Kiev land. Under Vladimir, only Boris was among the sons. Vladimir, perhaps, prepared him for the role of heir. Now Vladimir reluctantly sent Boris with a trained army and a princely retinue against the Pechenegs, while he himself remained, seriously ill, in the princely residence of Berestovo near Kiev. Vladimir died on July 15 at Berestov in his palace. At first, the death of his father was concealed from Svyatopolk, and this was not difficult to do, for he was in Vyshgorod. In Novgorod, they learned about these events belatedly. Communication with Kiev was interrupted, and reliable news was not received for months. Yaroslav was in favor of delaying the attack from the south. He was clearly not going to attack first and was preparing only for defense. Throughout the summer, he continued to accumulate Varangian squads, and foreigners flooded Novgorod. The Varangians began to rob and debauchery - and it came to violence against the wives of the Novgorodians, which caused outrage among the townspeople. The appearance in Novgorod of a huge number of strangers, in the presence of their own squad and militia, already irritated the locals.

Numerous Varangian squads, accumulated in Novgorod in anticipation of the campaign, enjoyed relative freedom there under the auspices of Yaroslav himself. There are indications that Ingigerda, through her husband, even influenced political affairs. Eymund's saga, in perhaps exaggerated tones, describes the honorable and independent position of Eymund and his comrades under Yaroslav. The privileged position of foreigners under such conditions could irritate influential circles in Novgorod, arouse in them dissatisfaction with the prince and a hostile attitude towards his entourage. The nightly massacre of the Novgorodians offended by the Varangians was not apparently a spontaneous outbreak, since the moment was chosen for it when the prince was not in the city. The group of dissatisfied was numerous and, according to the chronicle, belonged to prominent warriors from among the townspeople (“citizens ... howl glorious to a thousand”), i.e. "best", "great" people of Novgorod. Yaroslav, in turn, found it difficult to leave their arbitrariness unpunished. Not feeling, apparently behind him, sufficient strength to openly punish the participants in the beating at the Paramonov Yard, he was forced to act deceitfully. What, at worst, could an angry prince count on if the path to Kiev was closed to him: maybe, like his father once, "run across the sea" for help? The Kiev events unexpectedly suggested a different way out.

The situation in Novgorod was tense: the fugitives, apparently, did not dare to enter into negotiations, fearing a new trap. That is why the veche was convened not in the usual place, but outside the city limits (Veche on the field). Among the Novgorodians, Yaroslav, of course, had his adherents. In the absence of direct data, one can only guess that Yaroslav could count on the support of mainly the "lesser" people of Novgorod, since the "big" suffered from his anger. The opposing party was exhausted. True, the total population of Novgorod at that time is unknown, but the loss of 1000 people, of course, was tantamount to a complete defeat for any of the parties represented at the veche. Therefore, the meeting gathered, for the most part, supporters of the prince, with whom it was easier to come to an agreement. It is quite understandable that in response to the final words of Yaroslav’s speech: “Svyatopolk reigns in Kiev, I want to go to him, go with me,” the Novgorodians unanimously answered: “we all, prince, are going under you.” The march on Kiev promised participation in the division of military booty and princely gifts for the leaders of parties hostile to the prince. The peaceful outcome of the conflict was the most favorable: after all, even Yaroslav, who was expelled by them over the sea, could, what good, return back with new hordes of the Varangians and deal with his enemies. The complicity of the Novgorodians “after the clash over the Varangians” was a consequence of the relations that had developed under Vladimir between Yaroslav and the social elites of Novgorod, who valued their prince as a champion of their interests, who did not hesitate to break with his father for the sake of the latter. Naturally, they were afraid of the governors of Svyatopolk and expected that Yaroslav would meet their interests. The proximity of Yaroslav with the Novgorod feudal lords, generally speaking, does not cause doubts. But it should still be noted that the aforementioned "veche on the field" took place, according to the chronicle, on the very next day, it was of a turning point. According to the direct meaning of the text of the chronicle, Yaroslav's repentant eloquence touched the Novgorodians: they forgave the blood offense to the prince and, moreover, immediately expressed their readiness to make new sacrifices for him. The artificiality of such a version is possible.

It is not known how events would develop further. But at night a messenger arrived from Kiev, from Predslava's own sister, to Yaroslav. He carried disturbing news from the south. “Your father is dead,” the sister said, “and Svyatopolk is sitting in Kiev and killing your brothers. He killed Boris, and sent him to Gleb, so be very careful of him.” On July 15, 1015, Vladimir died on Berestovoye. Not just a major statesman died, to whom Russia owed its baptism and transformation into a single, respected state in the international arena. Vladimir was at that time the only figure who guaranteed this unity. The prince did not appoint an heir, or rather, did not have time to appoint. Most of the sons of Vladimir were in their destinies. Yaroslav was in Novgorod, Svyatoslav was in the Drevlyane land, his brother Mstislav was in Tmutarakan, Anna's son Sudislav was in Pskov, his brother Stanislav was in Smolensk. The grandson of Vladimir and Rogneda, Yaroslav's own nephew, Bryachislav Izyaslavich, reigned in Polotsk. Svyatopolk was in custody in Kiev. Predslava, Rogneda's daughter and Yaroslav's sister, also lived there. At this time, she was at least 26 years old, but she remained unmarried - perhaps a widow. Boris led a campaign against the Pechenegs, Gleb was in Murom.

Of all the contenders for the throne, the right of seniority belonged to the rebellious Yaroslav or imprisoned Svyatopolk, peers born in 978. But because of their disobedience, seniority naturally passed on to Svyatoslav or Boris. It was Boris, the beloved son, who was in charge of his father's squad and seemed the most likely candidate. The death of Vladimir was hidden for some time. The chronicle does not explain this - "He died on Berestovo, and they concealed his death, since Svyatopolk was in Kiev. At night, they dismantled the platform between two stands, wrapped it in a carpet and lowered it to the ground with ropes; put in the church of the Holy Mother of God, which he once built. In the future, many scientists understood this in such a way that they wanted to hide the death of the prince from Svyatopolk in the interests of Boris. But here is what is said about this in the "Tale of Boris and Gleb": He told how his father Vasily had died and how Svyatopolk, having concealed the death of his father, dismantled the platform in Berestovo at night and, wrapping the body in a carpet, lowered him on ropes to the ground, took him on a sleigh and placed him in the church of the Holy Mother of God. And indeed, further events show that concealment was in the interests of Svyatopolk. Only he was in Kiev, albeit in prison. On the one hand, his supporters could fear that the opposing party would eliminate or take out the imprisoned prince. On the other hand, hiding did not allow any of the other applicants, including Boris, to claim the throne until everything was decided.

Immediately after the death of Vladimir, Svyatopolk was released - the only heir who was in Kiev. And only then the death of Vladimir was announced.

Further, the chronicles say that Svyatopolk still seizes power in Kiev, then kills Boris and Gleb. Outraged by his actions, Yaroslav begins preparing punishment. Judging by the annals, everything Svyatopolk did was for the sole purpose of seizing power. Svyatopolk was proclaimed the Grand Duke, and the first thing he did was to publicly distribute “gifts” to the people of Kiev. Of course, they did not reject his gifts, but “their hearts were not with him, since their brothers were with Boris.” Boris did not find Pechenegov, and now with his about eight thousand troops returned to Kiev. On the way, he was nevertheless met by a messenger and conveyed about the death and burial of Vladimir. Boris, in sorrow for his beloved father, not reaching the city, camped not far from him, by the Alta River. A squad council gathered here. With Boris were, obviously, all the closest associates of the father. After conferring, they expressed to him a common opinion: "Here you have your father's squad and army. Go, sit down in Kiev on your father's table." He answered: "I will not raise my hand against my elder brother: if my father also died, then let this one be my father's place." Hearing this, the warriors dispersed from him. Apparently living at the court of Vladimir, Boris deeply learned the moral principles of Christianity. However, it is unlikely that such arguments were quite understandable to the battle-hardened warriors of Vladimir, participants in more than one civil strife. Boris's refusal outraged and offended them.

The entire squad immediately left the camp. The Kievans went over to the side of Svyatopolk. Now Vladimir's party, which opposes the rebellious Novgorod, has also become the party of Svyatopolk, and Boris is left only with his own "youths" - the younger squad who came with him from Rostov. The squad left Boris on Saturday, July 23. On the same day, a messenger arrived from Kiev. He conveyed the words , allegedly expressing the blessing of Svyatopolk: I want to have love with you and I will give you more to the possession received from your father. But Boris did not believe him and mentally prepared for death. Svyatopolk, on the other hand, was in Vyshgorod, the princely residence near Kiev, early at night. Here he called four boyars to him - Putsha (apparently the governor of the city), Talts, Elovich and Lyashko. He asked if they were faithful to him, Svyatopolk told them: “Without telling anyone, go and kill my brother Boris.” The sent ones came to Alta at night, and when they got closer, they heard that Boris was singing matins, since the news had already come to him that they were going to destroy him. Consequently, he still had supporters in Kiev. After the murder of Boris, vividly described in the annals, he decided to deal with Gleb of Murom.

He sent a messenger to Gleb with the news that Vladimir was supposedly ill and was calling him to him. Gleb, obeying the will of his father, immediately left. But on the way he injured his leg and stopped not far from Smolensk. At this moment, Yaroslav warns Gleb about the impending danger: "Don't go: your father died, and your brother was killed by Svyatopolk." At this time, Gleb is overtaken by assassins sent by Svyatopolk. Svyatoslav was the next to die at the hands of Svyatopolk. Yaroslav, having replenished his squad with the Varangians and the Novgorod militia, went to war against Svyatopolk. And in 1016, in the battle of Lyubech, he defeated the troops of Svyatopolk and captured Kiev. This is exactly how the ancient Russian chronicles tell about the initial stage of the internecine struggle between Yaroslav and Svyatopolk. Titmar's data differ from the data of ancient Russian sources: The Tale of Bygone Years and The Tale of St. Boris and Gleb. According to the latter, Svyatopolk managed to seize the Kiev table, since Boris and Vladimir's retinue were on a campaign against the Pechenegs, and Yaroslav reigned in distant Novgorod; first of all, he began to exterminate his younger brothers: Boris, Gleb and Svyatoslav.

Titmar assures that Svyatopolk fled from prison to Poland to Boleslav, leaving his wife imprisoned in Kiev. This testimony of a contemporary seems to some to be preferable than the ancient Russian tradition, written down much later and somewhat obscured. After the death of Vladimir, not three, but many more sons remained, but not all of them took part in the struggle for the Kiev table, and therefore it would be quite natural if only the main characters of the events of 1015-1019 were known to the Merseburg bishop-chronist - Svyatopolk, Yaroslav and, obviously, Boris. Further, the message of Titmar, that at the time of the death of St. Vladimir Svyatopolk was in custody, has no correspondence in ancient Russian sources, but for all that, it does not contradict them. According to The Tale of Bygone Years, Svyatopolk was in Kiev at the time of his father's death, but nowhere does it say directly that he was free. In connection with the death of the Kiev prince, his eldest son, even if he was imprisoned, could, of course, be released immediately. And so, since Svyatopolk had to flee, it is clear that at the time of his release, Kiev was already in the hands of one of Vladimir's heirs hostile to him. This heir could not be Yaroslav, who was sitting in distant Novgorod.

Also, if Svyatopolk fled to Poland not after the battle with Yaroslav near Lubech in the autumn of 1016 (as the chronicle reports), but immediately after the death of Vladimir, and, returning to Kiev with the help of his father-in-law Boleslav in the summer of 1018, he found Kiev table is already Yaroslav Vladimirovich, then who then killed Boris and Gleb? It turns out that the killer is not Svyatopolk the Accursed, but Yaroslav the Wise? This hypothesis has been widely discussed in the last forty years, and some other sources have been tried to substantiate it, for example, the Scandinavian Eimund Saga. And yet it must be admitted that this version hardly deserves its loud popularity. If the veneration of the holy brothers-princes began already under Yaroslav, then how did the latter manage to mislead his contemporaries, many of whom still perfectly remembered the events of 1015? But even limiting ourselves only to the text of Titmar: why and from whom did Svyatopolk have to flee from Kiev, if neither Boris nor Yaroslav was in him? "The Saga of Eymund" is not a completely reliable source. She reports information that contradicts the Russian chronicles regarding the struggle of Yaroslav the Wise for the Kiev table after the death of Vladimir Svyatoslavich. According to the saga, Eimund, a Scandinavian leader, comes to Russia with his retinue. He is employed in the service of Yaritsleiv - Yaroslav and participates in the struggle between the three brothers.

"And Buritslav is called the one who received a large share of his father's heritage, and he is the eldest among them. The other is called Yaritsleiv, and the third is Vartilav. Buritslav holds Kenugard, and this is the best principality in all of Gardariki. Yaritslav holds Holmgard, and the third - Paltescue and the entire region that belongs to it." The saga describes in detail the ups and downs of this struggle, during which the Vikings of Eymund twice defeat the attacking Buritslav and kill him for the third time - at the instigation of Yaroslav. Buritslav is traditionally identified with Svyatopolk. Vartilav of the saga is regarded as the Polotsk prince Bryachislav Izyaslavich, nephew (not brother) of Yaroslav. It would seem that both the political situation and the main characters in the first stage of the struggle for the Kiev table are correctly identified in the saga. However, already in the early oral stories of the members of the Eymund detachment, one can trace not so much the interest of the Scandinavian warriors in the events in Russia as their own activities and Eymund's luck. From this came the natural attention to some events and ignoring others, and the exaggeration of his and Eymund's role in these events, and other inaccuracies in the transfer of the true course of events. Prior to the recording of the saga, these discrepancies may have been further exacerbated.

It suffices to refer to the world that concludes the struggle, according to which Eymund receives Polotsk. Rule in Polotsk of a newcomer Varangian prince in the second decade of the 11th century. unbelievable, because, according to the annals, the information of which in this case is not in doubt, Polotsk from the end of the 10th century. was under the rule of Izyaslav and his descendants. Therefore, the transfer of Polotsk to Eymund in the saga has no real grounds, except perhaps vague memories of the reign of the Scandinavian king Rogvolod there. The study of the saga shows that, unlike most of the royal sagas, it has a pronounced literary form, using repetitions, clichés, etc. An example of this is Buritslav's three attacks, Eymund's three councils, the three-time conclusion of an agreement between Yaritsleiv and Eymund, Yaritslav's three refusals to pay for the service of the Varangians, two false rumors about Buritslav's death. A significant number of episodes have parallels in Western European and Byzantine literature. The saga portrays the rivalry of the brothers as three successive battles, each of which ends with the victory of the Varangians, and in the last Buritslav dies at the hands of Eymund. Between battles, Buritslav finds himself outside the country, where he gathers an army and prepares for the next attack on his brother. This shows the real events of 1015-1019: the battles of Yaroslav with Svyatopolk in 1016 near Lubech, after which Svyatopolk fled to his father-in-law Boleslav I the Brave in Poland; in 1018 on the Bug River, in which Svyatopolk won and forced Yaroslav to leave Kiev, and, finally, in 1019 on the Alta River, which ended in the flight of Svyatopolk and his death on the way.

From the description of the three clashes between Yaritsleiv and Buritslav, only the first one generally corresponds to the battle of Yaroslav and Svyatopolk near Lyubech in 1016 noted in the annals. We can note such common features in the description of the battle as the rebellion against Yaroslav, the presence of the Varangians in the army of Yaroslav, the location of opponents on opposite banks of the river, the victory of Yaroslav. As for the second and third battles, their descriptions are in fact stories about military tricks with which Eymund helps Yaritslev defeat Buritslav. Most of the information about real events that has come down to the author, including the death of Svyatopolk, is subjected to literary processing to one degree or another. The story about the murder of Buritslav begins with a "military trick" - installing a device in order to raise Buritslav's camp tent: Eymund bends a tree and ties a flag to it on the tent. Killing with a bent tree is a motif dating back to antiquity. In relation to events in Russia, it is found in Saxo the Grammar and Leo the Deacon (Death of Prince Igor). Thus, the saga seems to be a work in which the memories of real facts contained in the stories of the participants in the events are embodied in the narrative with the help of traditional plots and motifs. All this is done so that Eimund acquires the heroic traits characteristic of the spirit of that time. At the same time, the stylistic rigor inherent in the sagas is preserved, creating an external impression of the objectivity of the story.

Consequently, in its content, the Eymund Saga is not a historical saga, but a purely literary work. Separately and unlike others, N. N. Ilyin speaks on the events of the first stage of the internecine struggle. His position is twofold: on the one hand, he seeks to refute the chronicle chronology (in particular, to prove that there was no battle at Lyubech in 1016, and there was only one military clash between Yaroslav and Svyatopolk - in 1019), and on the other hand - I am ready to admit that there was still a battle near Lyubech, but not in 1016, but in 1015, so that the first reign of Svyatopolk in Kiev lasted no more than two months. It is important to bear in mind that the hypothesis of N. N. Ilyin rests not so much on the results of intra-annalistic source studies, but, in fact, only on the testimony of Titmar.

The main inaccuracies in the description of the first stage of civil strife lie in the different interpretations by ancient sources of the sequence of events taking place at the moment in Russia.

Polish-Russian relations remain an important moment, and, as a natural result, the campaign of Boleslav and Svyatopolk against Kiev in 1018

Information about the campaign of the Polish prince Boleslav I against Kiev in the summer of 1018 was preserved by both ancient Russian and Polish historical traditions: The Tale of Bygone Years and the ancient Polish Chronicle of Anonymous Gallus. However, it must be taken into account that both of them are monuments of the second decade of the 12th century. As a result, in both sources, the story demonstrates clear features of an oral epic tradition: there are few specific details in it, but there are enough general words or anecdotal details. In the story of Anonymous Gallus, there are just enough errors that are easily revealed when compared with the annals and Titmar. So, it is not true that Boleslav reached Kiev "without encountering resistance." On the contrary, the campaign began with a battle on the banks of the Western Bug near the city of Volyn, in which, however, Yaroslav suffered a catastrophic defeat. This battle is also described in detail by Titmar, although in the Polish chronicle, though the remembrances of him have been preserved, they are by no means in their place, but in the story of Boleslav's return to his homeland after an alleged ten-month stay in Kiev. All this makes Thietmar's detailed and dry narrative an invaluable source. You can bring it almost in its entirety.

“It is also impossible to keep silent about the unfortunate misfortune that happened in Russia. After all, Boleslav, having attacked her, according to our advice, with a large army, caused her great harm. So, in the month of July, on the 22nd, this prince, having come to some river, camped there with his army and ordered the necessary bridges prepared. as a result of sudden success, he was thrown back from the river he was defending. Encouraged by this turmoil, Boleslav, demanding that the allies prepare and hurry, immediately, though with great difficulty, he crossed the river. The enemy army, lined up against him, tried in vain to defend his fatherland "Already in the first battle, it gave way and no longer offered strong resistance. There then a huge number of fugitives were killed and very few winners. Of ours, the glorious knight E died rick, whom our emperor kept in chains for a long time. From that day on, Boleslav, developing success, pursued the scattered enemies; he was accepted by all the locals and honored with rich gifts."

"Meanwhile, Yaroslav by force captured a certain city, obedient to his brother, and took away its inhabitants. Kiev, a very strong city, was subjected, according to the order of Boleslav, to frequent attacks from its enemies, the Pechenegs, and was greatly weakened as a result of a large fire. They defended it themselves the townspeople, rather quickly, however, opening the gates to strangers; after all, left by its own, fled king, this city on August 14 received Boleslav and Svyatopolk, his master, whom he had long refused; and the whole country, out of fear of us, turned to his mercy The archbishop of that city honored those who arrived in the church of St. Sophia - which burned down last year due to an accident - with the relics of saints and other decorations. There were also the stepmother of the named king, his wife and 9 sisters, of which one, for a long time the old debauchee Bolesław, forgetting about his wife, illegally took away with him, he was presented there with huge wealth, most of which he distributed to his friends and supporter m, and sent something home. This prince was helped by 300 men from our side, 500 from the Hungarians, and the Pechenegs - 1000. All of them were sent home as soon as the locals arrived and, expressing their loyalty, brought great joy to the named gentleman. In that large city which is the capital of this kingdom, there are 400 churches, 8 fairs, and an unknown number of people; they, like the whole of that province, consist of strong, runaway slaves who arrived here from everywhere, and especially of fast Danes; Until now, they have successfully resisted the Pechenegs, who had greatly annoyed them, and defeated others.

"Proud of this success, Boleslav sent the archbishop of the named throne to Yaroslav to ask him to return his daughter to him and promised to give (Yaroslav) his wife, along with his stepmother and sisters. After that, he sent his beloved abbot Tuni to our emperor with rich gifts so that he would ensure his mercy and help for the future, and announced that he would do whatever he wanted.To Greece, which was close to him, he also sent ambassadors who were supposed to promise her emperor all the benefits if he wanted to have him as his friend, and declare that otherwise he will find in him the most bitter and implacable enemy. Above them all stood the almighty God, graciously showing what is pleasing to Him and beneficial to us.

First of all, the description of Kiev itself at the beginning of the 11th century attracts attention. It is felt that the city struck Titmarov's informant. He could easily obtain information about the number of church thrones from the environment of the Kiev Metropolitan. Titmar calls the latter "archbishop". The fact is that there was no metropolitanate as an independent institution in the Western Church. The name of the metropolitan, who met the winners who entered the city according to the old Russian custom on a holiday, Titmar does not name, but he must have been John I, mentioned at the Kiev cathedra for the first time during the reign of Yaroslav. If both Boleslav and, as the chronicle narrates, Svyatopolk relied on the support of the Pechenegs from the steppes, then the Novgorod prince Yaroslav, of course, used hired Varangians. But the news of Titmar about the "rapid Danes" who defended Kiev "until now" shows that the mercenary Varangian corps existed under Vladimir and in Kiev. "Danami" in the chronicle of Titmar, as in many other Western European sources, Scandinavians are called, and not just Danes.

"Chronicle of Gallus Anonymus", compiled in Poland at the very beginning of the 12th century. retained one evidence of a common policy for the Rurikovich in relation to the Slavic cities. Describing the events of 1018, when Boleslav I the Brave captured Kiev for a while, the chronicler inserts the remark: “However, according to enemy custom, he did not linger on the way to capture cities and collect money, but hurried to the capital of the kingdom...”. This is the manner of Russian princes to capture cities and take tribute from them, which is fully consistent with the description of the actions of the Varangian squads in the Scandinavian sagas.

Foreign and chronicle sources agree that Svyatopolk fled to Poland after the battle with Yaroslav on Lake Lubetskoy. So, for Boleslaw of Poland, the same views now opened to the east, which he had previously had to the west; in Russia, as before with the Czechs, family strife invited him to mediate and to assert his influence, especially since now Boleslav had to help his son-in-law. He took advantage of a favorable opportunity: at his instigation, the Pechenegs attacked Kiev; under the very city there was an evil slaughter; hardly in the evening Yaroslav could drive the barbarians away. For his part, Yaroslav marched to the Polish borders, concluding an alliance with Boleslav's enemy, Emperor Henry II; but the campaign of the Russian prince ended in an unsuccessful siege of Brest; the emperor’s campaign against Boleslav also failed, he was forced to make peace with him and, wanting to get rid of a dangerous enemy, turn his activities to the east, he himself advised him to arm himself against the Russian prince. In 1017, Boleslav went on a campaign, reinforcing his army of 300 Germans, 500 Hungarians and 1000 Pechenegs, and on July 22 reached the banks of the Bug, which separated the Polish possessions from the Russians; Yaroslav was waiting for him on the other side with Rus (inhabitants of Southern Russia), Varangians and Slavs (Novgorodians). Here the same phenomenon was repeated, which was seen on the banks of the Dnieper near Lyubech: the governor Yaroslav Budy, driving along the coast, began to laugh at Boleslav; he shouted to him: "Here we will pierce your thick belly with a stick."

There was Boleslav, says the chronicle, great and heavy, so that he could hardly sit on a horse, but he was smart. He could not stand the mockery and, turning to his retinue, said: "If it's nothing to you, then I'll die alone," he mounted his horse and rushed into the river, followed by the whole army. The regiments of Yaroslav, not at all expecting such a sudden attack, did not have time to prepare and fled; Yaroslav left for Novgorod, and Boleslav and Svyatopolk entered Kiev almost unhindered on August 14. In the city they found the stepmother, wife and sisters of the Yaroslavovs, of whom Boleslav had previously wooed for one (Predslava), was refused, and now, in revenge, took her to his concubine. Part of his army, he let go back, the other ordered to breed in Russian cities for food. But the same phenomena were repeated in Kiev, which we saw in Prague among the Czechs, and, apparently, for the same reasons. The Russians armed themselves against the Poles and began to kill them; the chronicler attributes this to the order of Svyatopolk, but it is very likely that the Poles behaved in Russia in the same way as in Bohemia, and raised an uprising against themselves; it is also very likely that Svyatopolk, having become bored with the unpleasant guests who had lived too long in Kiev at his expense, was not against the people's revenge on the Poles. This forced Boleslav to leave Kiev. He sent half of the troops home, the Poles sent to the Russian cities were exterminated, it was difficult to resist if an uprising broke out; moreover, he probably already heard about Yaroslav's new preparations. But Boleslav left not without profit: he seized all the property of Yaroslav, to whom he assigned Anastas: the cunning Greek knew how to flatter every strong man and changed the fatherland, depending on the benefits; Boleslav trusted him with flattery, the chronicle says. The Polish prince also led with him the boyars Yaroslavov, his two sisters and many captives taken in battle; on the road, Boleslav also captured the cities of Cherven, the acquisition of St. Vladimir; however, it is likely that these cities were ceded to him by Svyatopolk as a reward for his help.

Meanwhile, Yaroslav, having come to Novgorod without an army, wanted to flee across the sea; but the citizens, together with the posadnik Konstantin, the son of Dobrynia, cut through the prince's boats, prepared for flight, and announced: "We still want to fight with Boleslav and Svyatopolk." Such decisiveness is understandable: they now had nothing to expect good from Svyatopolk, and it was also unprofitable to defend against him without the prince. They began to collect money - 4 kunas from the common man, 10 hryvnias from the elders, 18 hryvnias from the boyars, brought the Varangians, gave them this money, and thus Yaroslav gathered a lot of troops, and he moved against Svyatopolk; he was defeated, fled to the Pechenegs and led their huge crowds against Yaroslav in 1019. Yaroslav went out to meet and converged on the Alta River, where Boris was killed. The place favored Yaroslav in recollection of the crime of Svyatopolk; the chronicler says that Yaroslav prayed to God for revenge on the new Cain. He also says that the slaughter was evil, which had not yet happened in Russia, they were cut, grabbing, with their hands, they converged to fight three times, blood flowed in streams along the gorges; by evening, Yaroslav defeated, and Svyatopolk fled to the Polish border city of Brest, where he probably died from wounds received in the battle; according to Scandinavian legends, he fell at the hands of the Varangian Eymund, who served in the army of Yaroslav, and according to Russians, he died an evil death in the desert between Poland and Bohemia. Yaroslav sat down in Kiev, wiped his sweat with his retinue, in the words of the chronicler, showing victory and great work.

“By evening, Yaroslav overcame, and Svyatopolk fled. And when he fled, a demon attacked him, and all his members relaxed, and he could not sit on a horse, and carried him on a stretcher. And those who fled with him brought him to Berest. He said: "Run with me, they are chasing us." The youths sent him to see: "Is anyone chasing us?" And there was no one who would chase them, and they ran further with him. He lay weak and, getting up, he said: “They are already chasing me, run.” He could not endure in one place, and he ran through the Polish land, driven by God’s wrath, and ran to a deserted place between Poland and the Czech Republic, and there he ended miserably "A righteous judgment befell him, the unrighteous one, and after death he accepted the torments of the accursed one: it clearly showed ... the pernicious punishment sent to him by God mercilessly put him to death", and after departing from this world, bound, endures torment forever. his grave is in that desolate place to this day, and a terrible stench comes from it.”

There is a complete feeling that these lines were written by an eyewitness who fled with the damned prince. The picture is so bright that there is no doubt about its authenticity. How obvious is the attitude of the chronicler to the dying Svyatopolk. This is how the overwhelming majority of historians perceive this text. For example, N. M. Karamzin, describing the flight and death of Svyatopolk, limited himself to retelling the chronicle message, supplementing it only with the remark that

"The name of the accursed remained in the annals inseparable from the name of this unfortunate prince: for villainy is misfortune." The author of the "History of the Russian State" managed to notice what is already eluding us. He understands the word "cursed" not only as "damned", but also as "miserable, unfortunate". Indeed, in the Old Russian language it had such a meaning. In modern studies, however, the emphasis is usually shifted to "idle concoctions of a monk", "fantastic details" that the chronicler brought to his generally accurate description: "Svyatopolk's spiritual experiences, some kind of mythical desert between the Czech Republic and Poland." Upon closer examination, the story of the flight of Svyatopolk and his death turns out to be a "staged" biblical setting, as "should be" with a fratricide. So, the fate of the main actors of the turmoil of 1015-1019 in the sources is not always clear, and in some cases distorted by the subjective mood of the era in which the source was written.