On July 24 (August 6), 1917, the second coalition was formed, with Aleksandr Kerensky as the minister-chairman and the military and naval minister. As noted in the article on the website of the Presidential Library named after B.N. Yeltsin, by the middle of the summer of 1917 Russia was in a deep political and socio-economic crisis.

The first coalition government, chaired by Prince Georgy Lvov, failed to resolve the main problems facing the country and society. In June, it faced a serious political crisis associated with a strike by workers in 29 factories in Petrograd. The Bolsheviks sought to use their discontent to hold an anti-government demonstration on June 10 (23). In turn, the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets banned its holding, at the same time deciding to hold its own demonstration on the Champ de Mars on June 18 (July 1) to lay wreaths on the graves of the victims of the February Revolution. This demonstration was attended by about half a million people under anti-government slogans. Demonstrations were also held in many cities of Russia.

The government's decision to launch an offensive at the front caused a new, July crisis. Having formed a large grouping of troops in the South-West direction, the Headquarters intended to begin active hostilities as soon as possible. The offensive at the front was launched on June 18 (July 1), initially it developed quite successfully. But it was not possible to develop victorious actions, and the subsequent failure of the offensive caused a stormy protest from soldiers in the capital who did not want to be sent to the front. Already on 2 (15) July, rallies of many thousands began in Petrograd. The situation was complicated by the ambiguous state of affairs in Ukraine: there was an active formation of national military units, and the Central Rada, which led the Ukrainian national liberation movement, despite the objections of the Provisional Government, unilaterally proclaimed the autonomy of Ukraine. On the night of July 3 (16), the cadet ministers resigned from the government due to disagreements on the Ukrainian question, which seriously aggravated the situation in Petrograd. Under these conditions, soldiers began demonstrations in the capital, which were strongly influenced by the anarchists and Bolsheviks.

On the evening of July 3 (16), the Moscow Grenadier, Pavlovsky, 180th, 1st Reserve Regiments and 6th Sapper Battalion took to the streets with calls to overthrow the Provisional Government. On July 4 (17), a large detachment of Kronstadt sailors arrived in Petrograd. Under these conditions, the Provisional Government declared the capital to be under martial law and summoned troops loyal to it from the front, which were ordered to arrest the "instigators" of the July demonstration. The government crisis was aggravated by the resignation of Prime Minister G. Lvov on July 7 (20). On July 8 (21), A.F. Kerensky, retaining the post of military and naval minister.

A.F. Kerensky

On July 24 (August 6), a second coalition government was formed. It included: the minister-chairman and the minister of war and naval - A.F. Kerensky, Deputy Chairman and Minister of Finance - N.V. Nekrasov (Radical Democratic Party); Ministers: Internal Affairs - N.D. Avksentiev (Socialist-Revolutionary), foreign affairs - M.I. Tereshchenko, justice - A.S. Zarudny ("people's socialist"), education - S.F. Oldenburg (cadet), trade and industry - S.N. Prokopovich ("non-factional social democrat"), agriculture - V.M. Chernov, posts and telegraphs - A.M. Nikitin (Menshevik), labor - M.I. Skobelev (Menshevik), foodstuffs - A.V. Peshekhonov, state charity - I.N. Efremov (Radical Democratic Party), railways - P.P. Yurenev (cadet), chief prosecutor of the Synod - A.V. Kartashev (cadet); state controller - F.F. Kokoshkin (cadet). The government under the leadership of Kerensky tried to pursue a policy of maneuvering between the main political forces of the country, which, however, caused discontent in both camps. The ill-considered political steps of the Provisional Government led the country to another acute crisis - the Kornilov rebellion on August 27–31 (September 9–13), which put an end to the short-lived activities of the second coalition government.

Officers in their arms carry Kornilov from the Aleksandrovsky (Belorussky) station to the square.

On the portal of the Presidential Library named after B.N. Yeltsin, you can study a number of documents that give an idea of \u200b\u200bthat period of time. Thus, the website contains an appeal of the Provisional Government to the people (1917), as well as declarations and appeals of the Provisional Government to the population of Russia in connection with the political and economic situation in the country (1917). In addition, it contains information about the composition of the ministers of the Provisional Government, the Council of Ministers and the State Duma (1917), as well as the journals of the Provisional Government meetings from No. 3 to No. 67 (1917).

Also presented are the Provisional Government's appeal to the population of Russia on the continuation of the imperialist war and support for bourgeois politics (1917), the Resolution of the Provisional Government of July 6, 1917 on the introduction of punishments for high treason (1917), Resolutions and draft resolutions of the Provisional Government on the procedure for elections in Constituent Assembly (1917).

Dedicated to the revolutionary past of our country. Together with Russian historians, politicians and political scientists, we recall the key events, figures and phenomena of those years. Igor Grebenkin, Doctor of Historical Sciences, told Lente.ru about why the Provisional Government did not justify the hopes placed on it and how the fate of its members after the October Revolution developed.

Which ones are temporary?

"Lenta.ru": What people were in the Provisional Government in 1917? Can we say that their role in history is underestimated or, on the contrary, overestimated?

Igor Grebenkin: When we talk about the Provisional Government, it must be remembered that in a historically insignificant period of its existence - less than eight months - it went through three crises and changed four memberships, experiencing a gradual drift to the left. Its first composition consisted of 11 portfolios, and the only leftist in it was the Minister of Justice, Alexander Kerensky. In the fourth composition, among 17 members, the leading role was played by right-wing socialists - Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, and the only cadet minister who retained his post since March was Aleksandr Konovalov.

What were the most striking figures in it?

First of all, these are the heads of the Duma factions and liberal parties, Alexander Guchkov and Pavel Milyukov, the "heroes" of the liberal opposition to tsarism. Mikhail Tereshchenko should be recognized as a curious figure, who by 1917 turned 31 years old. A prominent businessman and a prominent freemason, he was not a party leader and a deputy of the State Duma, but remained a minister in all four government structures.

How did the relationship between the members of the Provisional Government develop?

Although these people were united by activities in the liberal and leftist factions of the State Duma, they belonged to different political directions. Each of them had their own burden of very complex mutual relations and conflicts. A definite "black sheep" among them was initially the only leftist minister - Kerensky, who was the link between the government and the Petrograd Soviet.

The most pretentious ministers of the first composition of the government were State Duma veterans Guchkov and Milyukov. War Minister Guchkov launched a large-scale purge of the army's command personnel, which led to very controversial results. Foreign Minister Miliukov was distinguished by his tendency to conflict.

It was Milyukov's Note about Russia's loyalty to allied commitments in April 1917 that led to the first government crisis and the resignation of the most prominent liberal ministers.

He made this statement without agreeing with anyone?

The fact is that the government shared his position, but the social situation of that time was characterized by a steady leftward movement of mass moods. The statements of the Minister of Foreign Affairs that the Provisional Government of Revolutionary Russia intends to abide by all allied obligations and bring the war to a victorious end caused an outburst of indignation, not only in socialist circles, but also simply among the urban population and military personnel. For them, the revolution was an event that promised radical changes, and the main one was to end the war, the meaning of which for the absolute majority of society was lost over the three war years.

Democracy and reality

There are regular references to the fact that the members of the Provisional Government took over the government of the country and the people, whom they did not know and did not understand, and naive faith in the people was interspersed with fear of the "dark masses".

One circumstance should be kept in mind here: for Russia, even at the beginning of the twentieth century, it was customary to understand “society” and “people” as two different categories. Society is an educated part of the population with some kind of systemic education, living in cities, having a service and a job. And the huge mass of the population, more than 80 percent, is agrarian, peasant Russia, which it was customary to denote by the word "people".

The confrontation between "society" and "people" existed both in practice and in the minds of politicians. The whole feature of the political life of the twentieth century is that the "people" begin to declare themselves as an independent force with their own ideas and interests. In this sense, I am ready to agree that no one in the Provisional Government had any idea how to take possession of these "dark masses". And this also applies to the first composition, and all subsequent ones.

Was it true that the members of the Provisional Government were characterized by idealism and the confidence that they could build a democratic state in Russia simply by introducing the institutions characteristic of democracy?

The provisional government is a very specific phenomenon. Its very name characterizes its role in the political process. I do not think that they considered it their goal to introduce a democratic system in Russia - unless the most arrogant, like Kerensky. The Provisional Government faced completely different tasks. The main one is to ensure the elections and convocation of the Constituent Assembly, which was to solve the most pressing problems of the country.

That is the tragedy of the Provisional Government, of all its members, that concrete, obvious tasks were not solved - they were even afraid to approach them.

The main one was the question of the war, the agrarian question and the question of the political future of Russia. They can vary in degree of importance, but they all, in one way or another, focused on convening the Constituent Assembly. In practice, only the last composition of the Provisional Government approached its preparation, and then already in the conditions of the most severe crisis, when danger hung both from the right and from the left.

Why didn't the first squads even try to solve this issue?

Their political experience made it possible to assume that society and the entire political situation still have a margin of safety. The Constituent Assembly was supposed to solve the most important problems that the political coup brought to the agenda: the political future of Russia and the agrarian question. But it seemed correct to postpone the reforms until the end of the war. It turned out that these questions turned into a vicious circle.

By the fall, both the right and the left realized that the question of making peace had become tantamount to the question of power. Whoever allows it, who has a specific program, will rule Russia. In the end, it happened.

Bohemian man

Who was Alexander Kerensky?

Describing this undoubtedly bright character of the revolutionary era, it must be emphasized that, in essence, he did not belong to the state or political circles. Rather, it is a bohemian man.

Here you need to understand what the popular, demanded metropolitan lawyer was at the beginning of the twentieth century. Of course, this is a person who is not devoid of a wide variety of talents, but, probably, legal training is not the first and not the main one. The main one is oratorical skills and acting talent, enterprise, a tendency to adventure. In tsarist Russia, an open court was not just a legal procedure, but an open tribune for discussing pressing social and sometimes even political issues. Kerensky gained popularity precisely as a lawyer in political affairs.

And so he comes to the State Duma, to its left wing, and then energetically makes his way to the first composition of the Provisional Government. The secret of his success is his connections in the left and democratic revolutionary circles. For Kerensky, unlike many of his associates, the dominating feature was the desire to stay afloat all the time.

Opinions about him have always been different, sometimes polar: some considered him a bright figure and leader, others - a buffoon and a political vulgarity. He himself, regardless of anything, tried to stay on the crest of the wave, no matter what happened.

The stage associated with the August crisis can be explained only by understanding this essence of Kerensky. The point is that there was undoubtedly an attempt to come to an agreement with the military, and Kerensky, as a result, did not have enough self-control and readiness to go all the way, and there was no mutual trust between them. It is common knowledge - Kornilov despised Kerensky, Kerensky feared Kornilov and those who stood behind him.

What drove him in the conflict with his former associates and Kornilov after the July events?

For some time he managed to push back the opposition from the left in the person of the Bolsheviks, accusing them of preparing a coup and in connection with the enemy, that is, with Germany. The search for a coalition from the right - in the person of the top generals and Supreme Commander-in-Chief Lavr Kornilov became logical. Definitely, they had plans for joint efforts. Only time and mutual trust were lacking, and this led to the August crisis.

As a result, contacts with the military were cut off, Kornilov and his associates were arrested and under investigation, and after that Kerensky could no longer count on serious support in military circles. In September and early October, the last composition of the Provisional Government is making convulsive efforts in order to at least not lose the initiative.

On September 1, 1917, Russia is proclaimed a republic. Neither the government nor the minister-chairman definitely had such powers. This issue was to be decided by the Constituent Assembly. However, Kerensky took such a step, hoping to gain popularity in left circles. The political improvisation of the government and the minister-chairman continued. In the second half of September, a Democratic Conference will be convened, from which the Pre-Parliament will then be allocated. But these bodies no longer had the resources - neither the time nor the trust - because the most serious opposing force, this time from the left, are the Soviets and the Bolsheviks, which since the beginning of October are definitely taking a course towards a forceful armed seizure of power.

Did the so-called "Kerensky" really clear the way for the Bolsheviks?

If we understand by "Kerensky" the period from July to October, that is, the period when Kerensky was the head of the Provisional Government, then we can say that this is so. But with one caveat: in this case, probably, it was not the efforts of Kerensky and the Provisional Government that played a role, but the objective course of events that cleared the way for the Bolsheviks. They offered solutions that more and more appealed to the broad masses of the population, and not to "society" in the then accepted understanding.

Despite the defeat in the days of the July crisis, the Bolsheviks manage to gradually take control of the Soviets, which has never happened before. At the same time, the movement comes from the bottom: since the summer, the Bolsheviks have become the most recognized force in the lower cells, such as factory committees in large cities, and after the Kornilov events - in the military committees at the front and in the rear.

They fought for this for a long time ...

After the Kornilov events, they are gradually squeezing their right-wing opponents out of the Soviets. By the way, it was the Bolsheviks who responded to the call of the Provisional Government to defend democracy. Having mobilized the workers, they created military-revolutionary formations, which became the force that made the coup in October.

The period between February and October is not only the mistakes and failures of the then Russian government. This is also a completely logical and consistent path that the masses of the people are taking along with political Russia.

As for the figure of Kerensky, the opposite process is taking place with him. He was repeatedly and reasonably accused of Bonapartism, that is, maneuvering between various political forces in the absence of his own clear platform.

Can we say that he was most interested in power?

For some, power instills a sense of responsibility, others hypnotizes, depriving them of the ability to adequately perceive reality. Kerensky played a very dangerous game, trying to form a party with the right against the left, and then, breaking with the right, seek support from the left ...

Repression and emigration

How later, after the October Revolution, did the fate of the ministers of the Provisional Government take shape?

The last cabinet consisted of 17 portfolios. In the Winter Palace, 15 of its members were arrested and several other officials who happened to be there, to one degree or another, by accident. They were escorted to the Peter and Paul Fortress, but within a short time they were all released.

This is an extremely curious situation related to the first days of the October Revolution. After the Bolsheviks came to power in society, the hope arose that the tough government, wherever it came from - from the right, from the left - would finally stop the collapse that had lasted for eight months under the Provisional Government. The Bolsheviks have not yet encountered open opposition from the bourgeois and right-wing socialist parties. Therefore, such "liberal" phenomena as the release of ministers are observed.

The most tragic were the fates of two cadet ministers - Andrei Shingarev and Fyodor Kokoshkin. In January 1918, both were in the Mariinsky prison hospital and were killed there by the soldiers and sailors who burst in. The Council of People's Commissars ordered an investigation, some of the perpetrators were identified, but in those conditions it was not possible to bring this matter to the end.

And if we talk about the fate of the last cabinet?

We can say that he divided in two. Eight people ended up in emigration, some were engaged in political activities, some were not. The most famous figure is probably Finance Minister Mikhail Bernatsky, who was known as a prominent Russian specialist in the field of public finance. He played a prominent role in the White movement, was a member of a special meeting under the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces in the South of Russia, Anton Denikin. For a considerable time he served there as the head of the financial department. He died in exile.

Another part remained in Soviet Russia, and their fates developed differently. Several ministers of the last composition of the Provisional Government, who survived until the end of the 1930s, were repressed during the Great Terror. In particular, these are the Mensheviks Pavel Malyantovich and Alexei Nikitin.

One of the most prominent representatives of Russian Freemasonry was Nikolai Nekrasov, who held the posts of Minister of Railways and Finance in various government structures. For twenty years he managed to remain in major responsible posts in the economic sphere. He was repressed only during the Great Terror.

Some ministers of the Provisional Government, who did not live to see the Great Terror, remained in Soviet economic work, were engaged in science - for example, Sergei Salazkin, the minister of public education, who died in 1932. Noteworthy is the figure of Alexander Liverovsky, the Minister of Railways in the last composition of the Provisional Government, who was involved in the restoration of railways in the 1920s, showed himself as one of the most authoritative experts in the field of communication in the 1930s, advised the construction of the Moscow metro, and in during the Great Patriotic War he was engaged in planning and construction of the famous Road of Life for besieged Leningrad. Having received many Soviet awards, he passed away in the 1950s.

And Guchkov and Milyukov?

They left the Provisional Government during the first government crisis, and later both represented the right-wing opposition. Both made their contribution at the beginning of the Civil War, being the inspirers of the White movement. Both died in exile.

The path from February to October

Was the failure of the Provisional Government natural and inevitable?

The Provisional Government was faced with specific tasks requiring solution, it was necessary to react very energetically to the rapidly changing political situation. Alas, the representatives of the political elite of the then Russia who entered the cabinet did not have the appropriate abilities. As a result of the decisions, decrees, legislation of the Provisional Government, which were supposed to defuse the situation in the country, on the contrary, it aggravated it. Aphoristic: the path of the Provisional Government is the path from February to October.

Bad to Worse?

As a historian, I refrain from evaluative categories like "good" - "bad", "better" - "worse." After all, when someone is bad, the other is very good.

The path of the Provisional Government ran from crisis to crisis. It would be wrong to answer unequivocally the question whether the personal qualities of the ministers or the features of the situation in the country are to blame. The qualities of the ministers and the composition of the cabinet reflected the socio-political situation. The Provisional Government did not direct this process, it only followed it.

The Provisional Council of the Russian Republic, elected at the Democratic Conference, was instructed to determine the composition of the future government cabinet. The resolution adopted during the Conference allowed representatives of the liberal bourgeoisie and commercial and industrial circles to enter it. On September 25 (October 8), the third coalition government was formed. The cabinet consisted of six cadets, one Socialist-Revolutionary, three Mensheviks, two Trudoviks, one independent and two military men. A.F. remained the minister-chairman and supreme commander-in-chief. Kerensky. His deputy and at the same time minister of trade and industry was A.I. Konovalov. The portfolio of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, as well as of the Posts and Telegraphs went to A.M. Nikitin. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was headed by M.I. Tereshchenko. A.I. Verkhovsky, and marine D.N. Verderevsky. M.V. was appointed Minister of Finance. Bernatsky, justice - P.N. Malyantovich, communications - A. V. Liverovsky, public education - S. S. Salazkin, agriculture - S. L. Maslov, labor - K. A. Gvozdev, food - S. N. Prokopovich, state charity - N. M Kishkin; Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod - A. V. Kartashev, State Controller - S. A. Smirnov, Chairman of the Economic Council - S. N. Tretyakov.

The newly created coalition cadet-socialist government was formed under conditions of sharply increased public discontent. The period from late September to early October was marked by a broad sweep of the strike movement. The strikes of Baku oil workers, workers of one of the largest metallurgical plants in the South of Russia - Yuzovsky, textile workers of the Ivanovo-Kineshemsky region became major demonstrations. In total, about 2.4 million workers took part in the strike movement during these months. During the same time, more than 3.5 thousand peasant demonstrations were recorded.

The Russian economy, undermined by the First World War, continued to plunge into a deep crisis. Inflation has intensified. For 8 months of the revolution, the Provisional Government issued the same amount of money as the tsarist government for the entire period of the war. The standard of living of the population was falling rapidly. Under these conditions, the mood of society became radicalized. The popularity of the Bolsheviks grew, offering a decisive political program. Mass Bolshevization of the Soviets began at the end of August. On September 25 (October 8), Leonid Trotsky was elected chairman of the Petrograd Soviet. The slogan for the transfer of all power to the Soviets was again proclaimed, this time suggesting the overthrow of the Provisional Government. The Bolsheviks began preparations for an armed uprising, the decision of which was adopted by the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) on October 10 (23), 1917. Two days later, on October 12 (25), at a closed meeting of the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, the Statute was approved, the main task which was the provision of military-technical preparations for the uprising.

The section presents welcoming telegrams to the Provisional Government from local democratic organizations, military units and individuals, which allows us to trace the attitude of the population to the new cabinet; clippings from Russian newspapers, which not only reflect the activities of the government, but also create a general picture of the life of the country in the period under review; journals of meetings of the third coalition government, etc.

THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT, the highest body of state power in Russia, which arose during the February Revolution of 1917 (temporary - until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly). Formed in the absence of Emperor Nicholas II in Petrograd on March 1 (14) by the Provisional Committee of the State Duma to establish order in Petrograd and to communicate with institutions and individuals [created on February 27 (March 12) by the Council of Elders on behalf of the Private Meeting of the State Duma members]. The most common date in historiography for the formation of the Provisional Government is March 2 (15), on the night of which the powers of the Provisional Government were confirmed by the Petrosovet, which played the role of a revolutionary center. The Provisional Government acted under conditions of "dual power" along with the so-called public committees, as well as councils headed by the Petrograd Soviet (in July, their All-Russian Central Executive Committee transferred all power to the Provisional Government). The current situation was sometimes perceived by contemporaries both as "decapitation" and as "dual power". Initially [before May 5 (18)] the Provisional Government consisted mainly of representatives of the liberal parties - the Cadets and Octobrists. Subsequently, the personal and party composition of the Provisional Government changed (table). A number of ministers of the Provisional Government were members of Masonic lodges (the question of the degree of influence of Masonic organizations on the policy of the Provisional Government remains controversial). On March 2 (15), Emperor Nicholas II abdicated the throne for himself and for his son, handing over the crown to his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, who, contrary to the plans of some members of the Provisional Government, on March 3 (16) refused to accept power, stating that the question of the structure Russia should be decided by the Constituent Assembly.

To fulfill its main task, the Provisional Government formed on March 25 (April 7) a special meeting to draft the law on elections to the Constituent Assembly (it worked in May - September; the chairman is the cadet F.F.Kokoshkin), which included representatives of political parties, councils, public and national organizations. The Regulations developed by him provided suffrage to all citizens of both sexes who had reached the age of 20, for the first time in world practice, gave the right to vote to military personnel (from 18 years old). In June, the Provisional Government announced the dates for elections to the Constituent Assembly - September 17 (30) and its convocation - September 30 (October 13). In August, meetings of the All-Russian Commission on Elections to the Constituent Assembly of the Commission formed by the Provisional Government (chairman - Cadet N.N. Avilov) began, the elections were postponed to November 12 (25), and the convocation - to November 28 (December 11).

Policy in the field of state structure and administration. By the decision of the Provisional Government, the abdicated Emperor Nicholas II, Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and their children were kept under arrest in Tsarskoye Selo on March 9 (22), and sent to Tobolsk on August 1 (14). In April, the Provisional Government prevented the resumption of the work of the State Duma, in October it dissolved it. In the area of \u200b\u200blegislation, it upheld most of the norms of the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire. The Provisional Government retained most of the central departments. Some of them have been reorganized. The Provisional Government authorized the liquidation of the Police Department (its organs were actually destroyed during the revolution), on April 17 (30), it approved a regulation on the police, according to which the city and district zemstvo boards were in charge of the city and district militia. In May, new ministries were formed: for Finland, labor, food, state charity, post and telegraph. The Provisional Government subjected the judicial system to a radical reorganization. In March - April, it announced an amnesty for political prisoners, abolished the death penalty, exile and settlements. On March 4 (17), it abolished the former special courts - the Supreme Criminal Court and special presences of the Senate, judicial chambers and district courts with the participation of estate representatives. At the same time, a new special body was formed - the Extraordinary Investigative Commission of the Provisional Government to investigate "illegal actions of former senior officials". In Petrograd and some other cities, temporary courts were established, which consisted of a magistrate, representatives of the army and workers, they decided criminal cases. By the decree of May 4 (17), the magistrates' court was introduced everywhere. In June, the courts-martial were abolished, but soon, in order to restore order in the rear and at the front, the Provisional Government established similar military-revolutionary courts. At the same time, the Provisional Government restored the death penalty at the front, abolished the provisional courts, and allowed extrajudicial arrests of persons "threatening the defense of the state, its internal security and the freedom won by the revolution."

To establish its power on the ground in March, the Provisional Government removed the governors and vice-governors from their duties, appointed the chairmen of provincial zemstvo councils to manage the provinces (it gave them the name "provincial commissars"). In the counties, the heads of the administration were the chairmen of the county zemstvo councils ("county commissars"; later the Ministry of Internal Affairs, when appointing them, took into account the recommendations of local committees of public organizations and councils). The provisional government suspended the activities of the zemstvo chiefs. In the area of \u200b\u200blocal self-government, it has implemented zemstvo and city reforms [laws of April 15 (28) and May 21 (June 3)]. In 43 provinces, where county zemstvos existed by 1917, volost zemstvos were also formed. In June - October, zemstvo institutions (provincial, district and volost) were created in the Astrakhan and Arkhangelsk provinces, in Siberia and Central Asia. In the summer of 1917, re-elections of zemstvos and city government bodies began on the basis of universal suffrage.

The Provisional Government strove to preserve the existing status of national borderlands as much as possible. It canceled acts that contradicted the main Finnish laws, but announced the dissolution of the Finnish Seim immediately after he proclaimed himself the bearer of supreme power in the Grand Duchy of Finland. In view of the fact that since 1915 the Vistula provinces were occupied by German troops, the Provisional Government on March 17 (30) announced its consent to the creation of a Polish state in the future, subject to its military alliance with Russia and the inclusion of the territories of Germany and Austria-Hungary inhabited by Poles ... On July 3 (16), it signed an agreement with the Ukrainian Central Council, in which it was recognized by the General Secretariat as a regional authority.

In the army, the Provisional Government sanctioned the existence of soldiers' committees (arose in accordance with Order No. 1 of the Petrosovet), ordered the organization of such committees from the company and above (up to Headquarters), at the same time tried to limit their powers to economic, cultural and educational issues, introduce officers to their composition ... For political control over the army, the Provisional Government sent its commissars to its units; in the summer they were given the right to arrest any general and officer "to support the ideas of the revolution and consolidate its foundations." In view of the rapid fall of discipline in the troops in June 1917, he formed shock battalions from volunteers, which were used in the most dangerous sectors of the front.

On September 1 (14), the Provisional Government proclaimed Russia a republic. The coat of arms of the Russian Empire, devoid of monarchical attributes, the state seal with the image of the state coat of arms over the building of the Tauride Palace (where the State Duma sat) and the circular inscription "Russian Provisional Government", the revolutionary red banner and the song "Marseillaise" (with the text by P. L. Lavrov) as a hymn.

Socio-economic policy. The interim government has abolished all restrictions due to citizens' belonging to a particular religion or nationality.

By decrees of March 16 (29), March 27 (April 9), the Provisional Government declared specific lands and cabinet lands to be state property. The decision of the most important question of private land was postponed until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. In an appeal dated March 17 (30), she condemned the seizures of land by the peasants. In accordance with the decree of the Provisional Government of April 21 (May 4), the Main Land Committee, provincial, uyezd and volost land committees were created to prepare a draft land reform (the draft they developed provided for the alienation for the purchase of all privately owned lands, except for some categories of large farms). The decree of the Provisional Government "On the protection of crops" of April 11 (24) provided for measures to reimburse private owners for the costs of crops in the event of their death as a result of "popular unrest". To prevent the "dispersion" of land on July 12 (25), transactions for the purchase and sale of land were limited until the land issue was resolved at the Constituent Assembly.

Developing factory legislation in revolutionary times, the Provisional Government on April 23 (May 6) authorized the factory committees that had arisen earlier. It established the institute of local labor commissioners, conciliation commissions, labor exchanges, banned the work of women and adolescents at night, and the collection of fines from industrial workers.

Trying to limit the consumption of scarce bread, on March 25 (April 7), the Provisional Government announced the introduction of a state grain monopoly - the alienation of bread from producers at fixed (fixed) prices and its subsequent even distribution among the population (it was not fully implemented). In the fall, the Provisional Government resorted to massive military requisitions of grain. It also proclaimed a state monopoly on coal and sugar.

On March 8 (21), the provisional government recognized the financial obligations of the Russian imperial government to external and internal creditors. The increasing deficit of the state budget was covered by loans - internal (in the amount of 12.321 billion rubles) and external (in the amount of 2.03 billion rubles), as well as through the emission of money (5 times expanded the issuing right of the State Bank; each time by 2 billion rubles) ... As a result, by October the money supply in circulation had doubled, and the purchasing power of the ruble had decreased by 4 times. In an effort to accelerate the issuance of paper money, the Provisional Government began in August to mass issue in a simplified way treasury notes of 250 and 1000 rubles ("Duma"), and in September - 40 and 20 rubles ("kerenki"). The total public debt of Russia by October 25 (November 7) amounted to 49 billion rubles.

Foreign policy. The Provisional Government announced the continued participation of Russia in the 1st World War. The provisional government was recognized as Russia's allies in the war - the United States, Great Britain, Italy and France. The diplomatic corps was largely preserved. Meeting the demands of the allies, as well as seeking to revive patriotic sentiments and thereby distract the population from internal problems, the Provisional Government launched the June 1917 offensive on the Southwestern Front, the failure of which contributed to further destabilization of the political situation in the country.

Government crises. The interim government has gone through several crises - periods of the virtual absence of government. The April crisis was caused by a note from the Minister of Foreign Affairs, PN Milyukov, sent to the Allied Powers on April 18 (May 1); it declared "a nationwide desire to bring the world war to a decisive victory." The note provoked anti-government protests in Petrograd. The crisis was resolved by the resignation of Milyukov and Minister of War A.I. Guchkov and the creation of the 1st coalition government, in which 6 out of 15 seats were occupied by socialists, mainly Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, representatives of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet. The reasons for the July crisis were the disagreements that arose in the government over a bill banning land transactions, the timing of elections and the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, as well as the aggravation of the conflict with the Ukrainian Central Rada. The crisis began with the withdrawal of the Cadets from the Provisional Government on July 2 (15), aggravated as a result of the July events of 1917 and the resignation of the Prime Minister G. E. Lvov on July 7 (20). On July 8 (21), the Provisional Government was headed by A. F. Kerensky, the main political parties gave him freedom in choosing members of the new government [formed on July 24 (August 6)]. All the ministers of the 2nd coalition government were responsible only to its chairman. In order to "unite state power with all the organized forces of the country", the Provisional Government convened a State Conference in Moscow. Following this, the Supreme Commander-in-Chief L.G. Kornilov and A.F. Kerensky agreed to suppress the revolutionary anarchy by the forces of the army. A new crisis of the Provisional Government began as a result of the defeat of Kornilov's speech in 1917. The failure of this speech was associated with a change in the position of Kerensky, who feared that the generals would deprive him of power. After the start of the movement of troops to Petrograd, he declared Kornilov a rebel and turned to the revolutionary-minded soldiers and sailors for help. Most of the ministers of the Provisional Government resigned and transferred power to the Directory, a collegium of 5 ministers headed by Kerensky. The question of the nature of the new composition of the Provisional Government was to be decided by the Democratic Conference of 1917, convened by the leaders of the soviets, in which at that time the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks still predominated. The Pre-Parliament, separated from its composition, approved the creation of the 3rd coalition government [formed on September 25 (October 8)].

On October 24-26 (November 6-8), during the October Revolution of 1917, detachments of soldiers, sailors and Red Guards under the leadership of the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee seized power in Petrograd and overthrew the Provisional Government. All of its members (except for A.F. Kerensky, who went to the troops) on the night of October 25 (November 7) to October 26 (November 8) were arrested in the Winter Palace. At the same time, the 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets formed a provisional revolutionary government - the Council of People's Commissars, headed by V.I. Lenin. An attempt by the troops that remained loyal to the Provisional Government to seize Petrograd, undertaken on October 26 (November 8) - November 1 (14) during the Kerensky - Krasnov performance of 1917, ended in failure. The ministers of the Provisional Government released from custody (socialists K. A. Gvozdev, P. N. Malyantovich, S. L. Maslov, A. M. Nikitin, non-party members D. N. Verderevsky and S. S. Salazkin) and comrades of ministers held several clandestine meetings. In an appeal dated November 17 (30), members of the Provisional Government announced their resignation and called for rallying around the Constituent Assembly. Most of those who signed the appeal were arrested again. All the ministers of the Provisional Government were released from prison in the spring of 1918.

Source: The economic situation in Russia on the eve of the Great October Socialist Revolution: Documents and materials: In 3 hours Moscow; L., 1957-1967; The Russian Provisional government. 1917: Documents: In 3 vol. Stanford, 1961; Journals of meetings of the Provisional Government (March - October 1917): In 4 volumes. M., 2001-2004.

Lit .: Volobuev P. V. Economic policy of the Provisional Government. M., 1962; Startsev V.I. Domestic policy of the Provisional Government of the first composition. L., 1980; Chernyaev V. Yu. The death of the Duma monarchy. The Provisional Government and Its Reforms // Power and Reforms: From Autocratic to Soviet Russia. SPb., 1996; Beloshapka N.V. Provisional government in 1917: The mechanism of formation and functioning. M., 1998.

A revolution has happened. The autocracy was overthrown, and the Provisional Government came to replace the monarch.

It was created on March 15, 1917, and since then, up to November 7, all power in Russia was in his hands.

The Provisional Government was formed as a result of negotiations between the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (State Duma) and the Petrograd Soviet.

The government concentrated in its hands the executive and legislative powers, while in the localities the interests of the Provisional Government were represented by district and provincial commissars.

The Provisional Government included representatives of various political movements in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. There were also "Cadets" and Socialist-Revolutionaries, Octobrists and Progressives. Despite differing political views, the ministers found a common language in the first couples.

On March 16, a declaration was published, where the ministers announced their immediate intentions. Three days later, members of the new government addressed the people. The ministers broadcast about the preparations for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, proclaimed democratic values \u200b\u200band promised reforms, talked about the amnesty and reform of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

The foreign policy of the Provisional Government was reduced to the idea of \u200b\u200b"War to the bitter end." This position was winning in advance. Allies of Russia in the Entente, gladly recognized the legitimacy of the new Russian government.

In domestic policy, the Provisional Government decided to take a course towards maintaining order and solving the agrarian question. The problem was never solved. The government refused to recognize the independence of Ukraine and Finland. Only Poland received sovereignty.

The new body of state power was hit twice by crisis situations.

The first crisis of the Provisional Government was in April. The result was the creation of a coalition government with the socialists. Because of this union, the Provisional Government lost Guchkov and Milyukov, who did not want to work in such a composition.

The second crisis is in July. The events of the crisis were preceded by the offensive of the Russian army on the Southwestern Front. At that time anti-war sentiments reigned in the army, and a deep crisis began in this organizational structure.

The food crisis was growing in Russia, and the entire production was in ruins. The failure of the army's offensive only aggravated the situation and caused a conflict in the Provisional Government itself, between its ministers. These were used by the Bolsheviks, organizing riots, which were eventually suppressed.

During the July crisis, the head of the Provisional Government, Prince Lvov, resigned. Kerensky became the new chairman of the organ. The Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks declared Kerensky the savior of the revolution and expressed their full support.

After the July crisis, the country was stirred up by new shocks. Seeing the helplessness of the new government, Lavr Kornilov, representing the counter-revolutionary and monarchist forces, organized a mutiny. Unfortunately, the good intentions of General Kornilov failed.

The Provisional Government constantly acted late, failing to make important and necessary decisions on time. The situation was only getting worse. The adopted laws were not implemented. Society was at a standstill. In connection with the above circumstances, there were circumstances for a coup d'etat. The national debt grew, the government began to issue its own money, among the people these "pieces of paper" were called "kerenki".

On November 7, an armed uprising of the Bolsheviks took place in Petrograd. The provisional government was overthrown. Over the months of the existence of the Provisional Government, it consisted of 39 people. These were mainly people with a parliamentary past in. Kerensky, Milyukov, Rodichev, Lvov, Guchkov, etc.

Most of the ministers had higher education. Later, only 16 ministers of the Provisional Government accepted the changes and collaborated with the Bolsheviks. The rest went to emigration (someone immediately, and someone after a "business trip" to the Volunteer Army, to the Don), where they conducted active anti-Bolshevik activities.